Miyerkules, Abril 19, 2017

MENSAHENG PAKIKIISA NG MINDANAONE SA IKA-3 TIMFADA LIMUD NG TIMUAY JUSTICE AND GOVERNANCE

 April 18, 2017 

Ipinapaabot ng MindanaOne TriPeoples' Movement for the Advancement of Peoples' Democratic Rights o MindanaOne ang mainit na pagbati sa buong Timuay Justice and Governance sa pagdaos ng ika-tatlong Pangkalahatang Asembliya nito mula Abril 16-19, 2017 sa Nuro, Upi, Maguindanao. 

Ang pagtitipong ito ay napapanahon sa kasalukuyang konteksto upang mas kolektibong igiit ng tribong Teduray at Lambangian ang mga karapatan nito sa usaping lupaing ninuno, kalikasan, kapayapaan, pang-ekonomiya, kultural at bilang mamamayan sa bagong administrasyong Duterte. 

Napapanahon ito dahil kasisimula pa lang ng Bangsamoro Transition Commission ng GPH at MILF na negosasyong mag-latag ng mekanismo ng pag-usad sa pagtalakay ng panibagong panukala para sa pagtatatag ng bagong Bangsamoro political entity na kung saan ang pagkakilanlan, teritoryo at sistema ng pamamahala ay may napapaloob. 

Makahulugan ang pagtitipong ito bilang pagbubuklod ng buong tribu sa patuloy na pagsusulong ng Amcestral Domain Claim at iba pang mga demokratikong karapatan. Ang ilang mga People's Organization ng mga tribong Teduray at Lambangian ay naging kasama po ng MindanaOne sa panimulang pagkatatag nito. 

Naging mahalagang ambag ng mga tribo ang sistemang kolektibong pamumuno at kolektibong demokrasya sa loob ng MindanaOne. Inspirasyon para sa buong kasapian ng MindanaOne ang determinasyon at sigasig ng mga Lumad sa pagsusulong ng kanilang mga karapatan at pagtatanggol sa kalikasan. 

Sa kampanyang "Full Inclusion of the IP Rights in the Bangsamoro Basic Law" at maging sa kampanya laban sa mapangwasak sa kalikasan sa loob ng teritoryo ay mas nakilala ng MindanaOne ang determinasyong ito. 

Nakasama din ng MindanaOne ang mga Lumad o Katutubong Teduray, Lambangian at iba pang tribu sa buong Mindanao sa pangangampanya para sa mga Karapatan sa Sariling Pagpapasya, mga demokratikong karapatan at kapakanan ng mga mamamayan sa Mindanao. 

Ang Timfada Limud ay isang makahulugan at makabuluhang ispasyo na kung saan kolektibong natatalakay at nadedesisyonan ang mga mahalagang usapin ng tribu na bukas at kalahok ang lahat. Ito ay mahalagang salik ng demokratikong pamamahala at pamumuno na dapat magkaroon ang mga antas ng pamahalaang Pilipinas. 

Sa bagong pamunuan ng TJG sa pamumuno ni Timuay Labi Sannie S. Bello na itinalaga ng 3rd Timfada Limud na ito, ipinapaabot namin ang aming Pagbati at patuloy na pakikiisa sa anumang kaparaanan. 

Sa buong Timuay Justice and Governance, aming mainit na pagsaludo at pagkilala sa inyong mahalagang kontribusyon para sa pagkamit ng makatarungan at mapayapang lipunan. 

Makakaasa ang TJG at mga mamamayang Lumad na sa loob ng MindanaOne ay kaisa natin ang Bangsamoro at Mamamayang Migrante sa pagsusulong para sa pangakalahatang kapakanan at karapatan. 

Meuyag! 

ABULCAIR BALINDONG 
National Chairperson 
MindanaOne

Miyerkules, Abril 12, 2017

REPOST: Keeping 'endo' alive: DOLE’s Department Order No. 174

The labor department's dilly-dallying is in stark contrast to the President’s consistent and unequivocal stand against contractualization

SENTRO
Published 6:49 PM, March 22, 2017
Updated 6:49 PM, March 22, 2017
From the time President Duterte won the 2016 elections, workers throughout the country waited for the fulfillment of his campaign promise to end "endo".
The main agency in charge of this, the Department of Labor and Employment (DOLE) headed by Secretary Silvestre Bello III, spent several months vacillating on the issue on the pretense of implementing a triple-pronged approach at addressing the evils of contractual employment (usually referred to its Filipino slang, "endo" or end-of-contract).
DOLE’s dilly-dallying is in stark contrast to the President’s consistent and unequivocal stand against contractualization.
In the end, DOLE chose to break the President’s promise and keep "endo" alive. (READ: 'Legal' contractualization still allowed in new DOLE order)
When Secretary Bello finally signed Department Order (DO) No. 174 (2017), he did not end "endo." On the contrary, he ensured its continued practice and prevalence. Workers now are worse off than ever before because DO 174 merely continues DOLE’s failed policies to regulate contracting out of labor.
To see this fully, one properly begins with an overview of the law on contracting and the policies which the DOLE has toyed with through the years.
What the law says
Articles 106 to 109 of the Labor Code remain to be the main law on employment relationships which involve 3 parties, namely, a Principal which farms out work, a Contractor or Subcontractor which accepts the responsibility to do the work and the Worker(s) who actually do the work.
Recognizing that this so–called trilateral arrangement leaves workers vulnerable to abuse, the law explicitly prohibits what it labels as “labor only” contracting.
This exists when “the person supplying workers to an employer does not have substantial capital or investment in the form of tools, equipment, machineries, work premises, among others, and the workers recruited and placed by such person are performing activities which are directly related to the principal business of such employer.”
To ensure that the workers know who their true employer is, the law says that under prohibited labor-only schemes, the principal shall be responsible to the workers as if they were directly employed by him/her/it. The contractor or subcontractor is treated merely as an agent or no different from the Principal. (READ: No 'endo' in 2017? Challenge of ending labor contractualization)
Fake news: DOLE cannot prohibit contracting
It is very important to know that the Labor Code gave more than sufficient authority to the Secretary of Labor and Employment to address whatever abuse workers face under contracting arrangements.
In very clear terms, Article 106 of the Labor Code says: “The Secretary of Labor and Employment may, by appropriate regulations, restrict or prohibit the contracting-out of labor to protect the rights of workers established under this Code.
Therefore, the repeated assertion by DOLE officials that they cannot prohibit contracting out of labor is simply not true.
Indeed, for more than 20 years, the DOLE has adopted the weak approach and has chosen to restrict contracting arrangements instead of prohibiting it. In those many years, DOLE’s approach has been demonstrated to be a complete failure.
D.O. 10 (1997)
In May 1997, then Secretary Leonardo Quisumbing issued Department Order No. 10 (D.O. 10). It was the expressed aim of DOLE to give employers the “flexibility” they wanted while guarding workers’ rights. Significantly, D.O. 10 included a provision which introduced the concept of “permissible contracting or subcontracting.”
This lax approach under D.O. 10 led to an upsurge of employment through agencies. It also led to a proliferation of short-term and precarious employment arrangements. As a result, countless positions which had previously been occupied by directly-hired regular employees were given to workers hired by agencies. (Insert Figure 2)
In time, society naturally developed colloquial names for its workers’ common experience of insecurity in employment. “End of contract” is “endo,” indirect employees introduced themselves as “agency po ako,” and repeated employment lasting five months is “5-5-5”.
Through time, agency-hired and "endo" workers internalized the practice that they were worth and treated less than regular workers.
They accepted its impact on their pay, the unavailability of overtime and holiday pay, rest day premium, leaves, and many other basic conditions of work. Their ID’s and uniforms are constant reminders of their lesser status. And of course, forming or joining a union means losing one’s job.
The evil in trilateral arrangements
The main evil in the agency arrangement lies in the Principal’s inherent ability to end its contract with the Contractor/Subcontractor and in the ease by which the contractor can pull out the worker from work and place her/her in a “floating” status.
When this happens – as it does for a wide range of reasons – the employee loses the source of her/his livelihood. The evil is so pernicious that the threat alone of losing one’s job is enough to render contracted workers impotent against abuse.
Thus, where agency-hired workers wish to enhance the terms and conditions of their employment, they can act only at the cost of their very livelihood. For agency-hired workers, keeping the job – despite poor employment conditions – is still better than losing it altogether.
In this way, the threat of losing one’s job naturally leads to a workers’ inability to enforce their rights.
While the best way for workers to fight for their rights is to form or join unions, this too becomes impossible for them. Just a rumor that workers are engaged in union activities is sufficient to cost them their jobs.
Ask yourself: have you seen any service contractor or agency which is unionized? This is the way by which a cycle is formed which keeps workers trapped in short-term, abusive employment relationships.
DOLE insists on failed policy
The proliferation of worker abuse under DO 10 (1997) was the principal reason why workers demanded its repeal right after President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo assumed the presidency in 2001. Thus, in May 2001, then Labor Secretary Patricia Sto. Tomas issued DO 3 (2001), which revoked DO 10.
Designed as a temporary measure, DO 3 merely paved the way for a new set of guidelines on contracting and subcontracting.
On February 2002, Secretary Sto. Tomas issued Department Order 18 series of 2002. Due to workers’ objection to any “permissible contracting,” DO 18 did not include any provision on “permissible contracting.”
However, it is important to know that DO 18 merely continued DOLE’s policy to restrict – not prohibit – contracting-out of labor.
As a result, regular employment continued to dwindle and a whole industry of “service contracting” blossomed. The evils of DO 10 returned with a vengeance, with employers evolving new ways to prevent workers from attaining regular status. Many agencies were seen to disguise themselves as “cooperatives” which prevents unionization and further confuses the availability of workers’ right to wages and basic conditions of work.
Shortly after the long incumbency of President Arroyo gave way to President Benigno Aquino III, DO 18 was replaced by DO 18-A (2011).
“Permissible Contracting” remained excluded but DOLE continued to insist on its failed policy to merely restrict contracting out of labor. It still refused to exercise its authority under the Labor Code to prohibit it.
In the more than 2 decades in which the DOLE has insisted on restricting and regulating the practice of contracting out of labor, regular employment has now become the exception.
In its stead, non-regular work including hiring through agencies, is now the norm. One only has to ask the person delivering food to your homes and offices, the salesperson showing you shoes at the department store, or the technician repairing your telephone or internet or cable TV connection.
Less visible, workers in factories and manufacturing plants are also now a mix of regular and agency hired workers with the latter outnumbering the former in many cases.
And so, presently, the cycle described above continues and workers remain unable to enforce their rights or form and join organizations for their protection.
Ultimately, the continued proliferation of employment arrangements which render workers vulnerable to abuse is directly related to the DOLE’s insistence on its failed policy of merely restricting contracted labor instead of prohibiting it.
Through more than 20 years, the DOLE has implemented the same weak approach while promising to finally protect workers from abuse.
To paraphrase an oft-heard quote, it is crazy to keep on doing the same thing over and over, but expect a different result.
Cosmetic change
After the elections, workers demanded the fulfillment of President Duterte’s commitment to end endo and employment through agencies.
With one voice, they told DOLE to change its policy of merely restricting the practice of contracting out labor and, for once, exercise its authority under the Labor Code to prohibit it.
Sadly, however, DOLE chose not to listen to the workers. Instead, DO 174, signed on March 16, 2017, continues the same failed policy of regulating what is now an industry of Brobdingnagian proportions.
Contrary to DOLE’s media posturings, the latest order only contains cosmetic changes or amendments too inconsequential to benefit workers. According to the DOLE, contractors must now have capital of at least P5 million instead of the previous P3 million. However, years of business success has seen the contracting industry grow into a multi-billion peso industry. The increased in capitalization is therefore of any doubtful efficacy.
On the other hand, consider the following troubling aspects of DO 174:
  • D.O. 174 continues to allow principals to hire workers through agencies. This, despite our long history which proves that under such tripartite arrangements, workers are extremely vulnerable to abuse. The prohibitions it contains – such as labor only contracting - have been prohibited for the past 2 decades. And yet, the abuse of workers have only worsened. So the question has to be asked: what has changed with D.O. 174?
  • Even worse, D.O. 174 inexplicably re-introduces a provision on “permissible contracting.” This provision has already been rejected many times over since its first incarnation in D.O. 10 (1997) because it only encouraged employers to contract out labor and gave agencies a mask of legitimacy to hide behind. And yet, the DOLE, defying logic and good sense, revives it in D.O. 174. One will be challenged to find something more idiotic!
  • In the rounds of consultations it conducted, DOLE received many testimonies from workers about the abuse of the concept of “cooperatives.” And yet, D.O. 174 completely ignored them and chose instead to prohibit only those which it considers to be “in-house” cooperatives. By doing this, DOLE allows all other cooperatives to engage in contracting and subcontracting – a practice which have demonstrably misled many workers regarding their true status of employment and blunted their ability to exercise their rights as employees.
  • D.O. 174 removed the ability of workers’ representatives (bargaining agents) to demand a copy of the service contract between the principal and the contractor/subcontractor. This was previously granted by D.O. 18-A but was inexplicably removed in D.O. 174, leaving workers and their unions even weaker than before.
  • D.O. 18-A previously required contractors to set at least 10% of the total contract cost as the standard administrative fee. Competition among contractors should then operate above this rate. This is not anymore required by D.O 174. Thus, one can only wonder how the DOLE expects contractors, without a set minimum for such a fee, to avoid cutthroat pricing and racing to the bottom with regard rates charged to principals. These practices have invariably lead to the denial of workers’ benefits.
Statements made by the DOLE following the issuance of D.O. 174 seem to indicate a pledge to enforce labor laws in order to protect workers.
However, given the DOLE’s betrayal of the President’s promise to end "endo" and employment through agencies, the DOLE has clearly shown its choice to cling to its failed policy of regulating contracting out of labor in face of workers’ unanimous demand to prohibit it.
This indicates a readiness to accommodate employers’ interests at the cost of workers’ rights and welfare. What kind of enforcement then can we then expect from such a Department?
As workers and workers’ organizations such as NAGKAISA and SENTRO continue to demand for the total prohibition of all forms of contracting, they also remain vigilant in guarding the rights of workers: the person delivering your food, the salesperson offering you shoes, the factory worker producing goods. Will they finally enjoy the security of tenure, the living wage, the right to form and join unions, and all other rights guaranteed by the Constitution?
Under a DOLE which continues to insist on a weak and failed approach to contracting out of labor, it is highly unlikely. And the workers’ demand to prohibit all forms of contractualization will only grow louder. – Rappler.com
SENTRO is a national labor center composed of 16 industry federations and sectoral organizations. It has been at the forefront of the fight for security tenure for many years. It is an affiliate of the NAGKAISA Labor Coalition.
Original Link: http://www.rappler.com/thought-leaders/164921-endo-contractualization-alive-dole-department-order

Timuay Justice and Governance 3rd TIMFADA LIMUD (Tribal Congress)

To Your Successful assembly and the continuous assertions for your rights, Mabuhay!

MindanaOne Tri-People Movement (MindanaOne) extends its warmest greetings and congratulations to the TIMUAY JUSTICE AND GOVERNANCE (TJG) on its 3rd TIMFADA LIMUD (TRIBAL CONGRESS) this April 16-19, 2017 in Nuro, Upi, Maguindanao.

Quoting below about the Timuay Justice and Governance and the Timfada Limud:
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The Timuay Justice and Governance

"The Timuay Justice and Governance (TJG) also known as the Késéfanang-guwit Timuay in the Téduray and Lambangian vernacular is an ancient system of governance, otherwise known as the Indigenous Political Structure (IPS) with the Customary Laws of the Téduray and Lambangian Indigenous Peoples (IPs) composed of the Ukit, Tegudon and Dowoy as their guide in implementing the governance system within their territory. TJG is operationalized in the remaining traditional territory of the Téduray and Lambangian in portions of Maguindanao Province, ARMM and Sultan Kudarat Province, Region 12, a territory which was left to them by their ancestor Apu Mamalu.

The term Timuay is both a system and a tribal title among the Tédurays and Lambangians. The root word is “timu”, meaning, gather. Thus, any one, either men or women who has the capacty to gather people is a Timuay. The Téduray and Lambangian ethnic groups are among the 110 Indigenous Peoples listed by the National Commission on Indigenous Peoples (NCIP) in the whole country.

The Timuay system is a traditional form o f leadership and tribal based self-governance practiced by the Téduray and Lambangian since time immemorial up to the present. This is characterized by a collective form of leadership and free participation of the magingéd (citizens) through attendance to assemblies and forums called for by the Baglalan or tribal title holders in the different lines of work in the Timuay system of governance.

The central leadership is the Minted sa Inged (roughly interpreted as Supreme Council of Chiefs) headed by the Timuay Labi. The first Timuay Labi was Alim Bandara in 2002 followed by Sannie Bello in 2010. The third will be determined in the 2017 TJG Timfada Limud.

The basic unit of the TJG is the Fenuwo (village) headed by the Timuay. This is where the bulk of the participants during the Timfada Limud came from.

Prior to the enactment of RA 8371, otherwise known as the Indigenous Peoples Rights Act of 1997 (IPRA), the Teduray and Lambangian were able to put into a written form the Tegudon - Teduray version as early as 1994 and was officially adopted in 1995 as seen in the logo of the Timuay Justice and Governance (TJG). However, the TJG operation before IPRA was clandestine due to bad experiences of Teduray and Lambangian leaders during the alangkat (defensive mode) period whereby tribal activities were outlawed by the commonwealth government in their efforts to integrate the indigenous peoples in mainstream government. The alangkat however is not a movement against the commonwealth government but rather a process of tribal consolidation to protect and promote customary laws and spirituality.

In early 1990s, indigenous peoples awareness for the right to self-determination spread wide throughout the country that led to the enactment of IPRA in 1997. The four (4) bundles of rights recognized in IPRA are on (1) ancestral domains; (2) self-governance and empowerment; (3) social justice and human rights; and, (4) cultural integrity.

The IPRA gave window of opportunity for the transformation of the TJG operation from clandestine into a genuine and legal operation as legitimate indigenous peoples’ self-governance system. But another story if we talk of IPRA in the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) where the implementation of IPRA is not yet resolve to the moment. However, IPRA is a national law and ARMM is still within the jurisdiction of the Philippine State, hence, IPRA has a jurisdiction over the ARMM. This is manifested by NCIP En Banc Resolution to delineate the Ancestral Domain of the Teduray and Lambangian.

Legal basis of the TJG

1. United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP)
2. RA No. 8371 of Indigenous Peoples Rights Act of 1997 (IPRA)
3. Muslim Mindanao Autonomy Act No. 241 of 2008 (MMAA No. 241

The Timfada Limud

The Timfada Limud refers to a big gathering of Teduray and Lambangian baglalan (tribal title holders) for decision making relating to review of the customary laws, program of governance and installation of baglalan for the Inged level. Other issues of best interest to the tribes shall also be discussed and can be decided in the Timfada Limud.

There is no historical data as to when was the last Timfada Limud by our ancestors. In fact, there are many interpretations of Timfada Limud. One interpretation is that Timfada Limud is a person, the highest decision maker. And the current application is based on this interpretation but not as a single person making his/her decision but a group of persons preferably key leaders from the different parts of the Inged making important decision, hence the TJG 2017 Timfada Limud.

In modern day implementation, the TJG 2017 Timfada Limud is our 3rd Timfada Limud. The first was conducted at Kansad Gadung in 2002 and the 2nd was at the Upi Municipal Gymnasium at Nuro, Upi, Maguindanao in 2010. And today, the venue of the TJG 2017 Timfada Limud is once again at the Upi Municipal Gymnasium, Nuro, Upi, Maguindanao.

Objectives:
1. Review and amend if necessary the Teduray and Lambangian customary laws (Tegudon, Ukit and Dowoy);
2. Installation of the Minted sa Inged and Fagilidan;
3. Consolidation and submission of positions on the issue of Peace; IP Party Building; Federalism and Ancestral Domains delineation;
4. Get responses and support from responsible government offices and agencies and from the rebel forces talking peace with the Philippine government"
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Fiyo Bagi! Meuyag!

Abulcair Balindong
MindanOne National Chairperson
12 April 2017